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conservativemind.org > Opinion
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The Effects of
Media in Political Communication
Jordan Richardson
August
25, 2008
From the start of
modern politics, if one were to successfully run
a campaign for public office, one of the most
important things to do was to make sure everyone
was familiar with the candidate’s name.
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It did no good to be the most qualified man to
run for office if the voters could not
distinguish you from a passing stranger. Massive
media campaigns were created to resolve this
problem, and to make sure that the candidate was
seen in a favorable light. These efforts
were manifested in political newspaper ads,
posters, and more recently, radio and
television. As technology changed, so did the
methods of the campaigns. Americans began seeing
more attention to detail in the manner of speech
and behavior of those running for office, as the
demand for more venues of publicity increased.
However, were these changes beneficial to public
discourse, or did it cheapen the message?
Indeed, the effects that technology had on
politics are significant, and the utilization of
technology in the public arena will continue to
play a large part in the manner of political
communication in years to come.
Man has always been a social creature, we all
feel the need to connect, and often love those
around us. Our minds are structured to allow
persuasion from other persons to affect our
perceptions of reality. By this I mean that if
presented with strong evidence that we should
change our behavior a certain way, or accept
someone else’s, we often acquiesce. Such is the
case with politics; one person tries to convince
a larger body of persons to see thing his way.
They employ different methods to convince us so.
In the past, mere written messages by candidates
could sway the masses, but as history
progressed, there became the need to address the
people in new, more convincing ways. As the
invention of new technologies increased, more
opportunities were made readily available to
persuade people in more effective means.
The most important thing to glean from a
discussion on why political communication has
changed is that our society has consistently
demanded and received entertaining
representations of reality as technology has
progressed. A picture may say a thousand words,
but add a few lights and music to that picture,
and brother, you have yourself a platform.
Neil Postman, author of Amusing Ourselves to
Death, discussing the effects of technology on
culture, asserts that the very way that we
communicate today—especially with images—has an
altered state of realism. He says, “But what I
am claiming here is not that television is
entertaining but that it has made entertainment
the natural format for the representation of all
experience” (87). It becomes harder to properly
communicate a message to the voters without also
giving them something to look at.
It seemed that with each new form of
communication, people would prefer the one that
brought about a heightened sense of emotions,
rather than a detached, impersonal examination
of a candidate’s message. Seeing and hearing the
message grew more popular among voters than did
the traditional way of understanding issues,
through print, such as the Federalist Papers.
This need to connect with the populace in a more
personal way brought about the campaign tours
throughout the country, complete with marching
bands and stump speeches. However, as the
country expanded and as technology progressed,
it seemed more effective to communicate in other
forms which were most readily available to the
people; when there was newspapers, newspaper ads
were bought, when there was radio, radio time
was bought. As communication technology changed
throughout history, so did the form of the
political message.
Another crucial concept that ought to be
addressed is whether the new manner of
communication, since the advent of modern
technology, is enhancing public discourse on
important issues. There is the slight problem
that, with all the attention politics and
government now has, they are in danger of being
trivialized, or at, the worst, marginalized.
When something as readily available as political
rhetoric is presented in different technological
formats, and wide access is easily obtained, it
becomes just as easy to ignore the issue as to
learn about it.
As we will see in the following examples of
technology’s cultural effect on communication,
the response of those who are to be convinced,
the voters, become more susceptible to subtle
persuasion with technology, than without.
One of the first forms of political
communication with new technology was the
infamous Scopes Trial, where John Scopes was
convicted of teaching evolution in a Tennessee
school. Clarence Darrow was one of Scopes'
attorneys, and William Jennings Bryan assisted
the state prosecutor. This was the first advent
of a radio broadcast of a courtroom trial, by
WGN, and included satirical reporting from
famous writer, H.L. Mencken (Trial 316). The
effect that the trial had on political
communication can be noticed by the increase in
broadcasted public events throughout the early
twentieth century, as political figures utilized
these resources.
In 1924, Calvin Coolidge and John W. Davis had
their political speeches broadcasted on the
radio, and Franklin D. Roosevelt, in addition to
his frequent radio fireside chats, made the
first presidential appearance on television in
1939 (“Today”). The progression of technology
has influenced several historic events, and can
best be appreciated by an examination of its
effect on the candidate and the American voter.
One such way to further understand the different
methods of cultural communication is to observe
the manner of how presidential debates were
conducted over the last 150 years and the
response from the voters. One of the most
notable debates was the series of debates
between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas.
Their speeches were given in an outdoor setting,
where the first candidate spoke for an hour,
then the other candidate spoke for an hour and a
half, and then the first candidate was allowed a
half hour “rejoinder.”
This seems hardly imaginable in our present age
of fast-paced debate, where a common response
time is two minutes. After the debates were
over, newspapers would publish the text of the
speeches, often editing them for grammar. Of
course, over the years, with advent of radio and
television, more attention has been focused on
this new venue for presidential debates.
The 1960 presidential debates between John F.
Kennedy and Richard M. Nixon were the first
televised debates between presidential
candidates, now often referred to as “The Great
Debates.” The manner of speech was different
from the Lincoln-Douglass debates: each
candidate was allowed an eight-minute opening
speech and then there was a 30-minute question
and answer period, followed by a ten-minute
closing message (“Today”). We see here the
difference in the amount of time given to
discuss issues, and one must ask, was the new
technology helping or hurting the candidate’s
message?
According to Stephen Coleman, author of
Televised Election Debates, the emergence of
this new medium certainly did not help Nixon;
reports of his physical condition describe him
as “transparently shifty,” while Kennedy was
seen as “telegenic and modern.” Interestingly,
those who watched the debates came to the
conclusion that Kennedy was the winner, while
those who only heard the debate on the radio
thought Nixon had won (7). The fact that the
very appearance of a candidate on television was
enough to convince viewers that he had won
signaled there was now a different, more
effective way of campaigning.
This makes sense because of the fact that
Americans have a predisposition to entertaining
reality, and that we are more inclined to accept
a message if it is presented well. In
correlation, Neil Postman remarked on the state
of our move to image based reality, saying, “For
countless Americans, seeing, not reading, became
the basis for believing” (74). In this case,
perhaps it is why Kennedy won the debates.
After television had made its stand as an
effective form of political medium, the need was
identified to ensure that television appearances
were pleasing to the eye, not just the
intellect. In history’s examples of older
communication, speeches were given at a
distance, with no need to focus on facial
features instead of the power of the oration.
However, with the advances in technology,
people began to want to see the close, intimate
details of a contender, and try to judge their
characteristics along with their words. This is
especially prevalent in many familiar cases
today, such as the recent Barack Obama and
Hillary Clinton debates, where both candidates
spoke on several issues for a few minutes at a
time, surrounded by glossy lights and patriotic
backgrounds. Deep, revealing close-ups of the
face are shown while the candidate speaks,
highlighting their expressions and tone.
Again, the question must be asked, is this form
of communication helping or hurting the
candidate? While it is important to portray a
professional, competent appearance, is the
“Hollywood-ization” of political candidates
really helpful in determining the best person to
hold an office?
It seems that these examples of history point to
a trend where less meaningful messages are
readily accepted as valid communication
techniques. It is not unlike trading a good
face-to-face conversation with a friend, for a
long-distance phone call, because we can hang up
if we are bored. Indeed, in the same way,
technology has certainly shaped the way that we
view with elected officials and political
candidates. It is tempting to view these people
as political superstars: they are important, but
we do not really have to listen to what they
say.
Suddenly, it becomes just as easy to ignore the
issue as to learn about it.
The examples in history show us the extent to
which our society has accepted these mediums as
suitable forms of political communication. It is
not so much that technology is the evil, we all
use technology everyday for useful purposes, but
that our mental laziness has allowed others to
use these mediums to play a greater role in our
thought process than they should. It is more
about the way that we respond to technological
messages than the message itself. Who can blame
the politician for wanting to look good under
camera lights, or wanting to save travel
expenses by hosting press conferences delivered
to millions of homes? No fair criticism of
politicians’ use of the media communication
should be without an introspective review of our
response to their persuasions. The real trouble
is that we have excused these shorter, less
meaningful tactics to be dignified as acceptable
political rhetoric.
In our modern society, the effects of this new
form of communication are relevant to our lives,
as the information that we receive about those
in positions of leadership are presented in
movie-like format. Our ability to make wise
decisions about whom to vote for should be
filtered with the knowledge that, the image of
the man is just that, an image.
This is not a disillusioned attempt to make
technology into the bad guy, but a call as
responsible citizens to evaluate the opinions we
have about political leaders with the knowledge
that not everything we see should be believed.
Our goal should not be an entertaining
representation of reality, but a critical look
past the glamour of technology to discern truth.
Coleman, Stephen. Televised
Election Debates. New York: St. Martin's, 2000.
Postman, Neil. Amusing Ourselves to Death:
Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business.
New York: Penguin Group, 1985.
"Today in History." The Library Of Congress
American Memory. 17 October 2007. Library of
Congress. 5 May 2008 <http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/today/oct21.html>.
[Trial Transcript]. The World's Most Famous
Court Trial: Tennessee Evolution Case. 1925.
Dayton, Tenn.: Bryan College, 1990. Accessed 5
May 2008
< http://www.bryan.edu/802.html >
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