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conservativemind.org > Opinion
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The Effects of
Media in Political Communication
Jordan Richardson
August
25, 2008
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From the start of
modern politics, if one were to successfully run
a campaign for public office, one of the most
important things to do was to make sure everyone
was familiar with the candidate’s name.
It did no good to be
the most qualified man to run for office if the
voters could not distinguish you from a passing
stranger. Massive media campaigns were created
to resolve this problem, and to make sure that
the candidate was seen in a favorable light.
These efforts were
manifested in political newspaper ads, posters,
and more recently, radio and television. As
technology changed, so did the methods of the
campaigns. Americans began seeing more attention
to detail in the manner of speech and behavior
of those running for office, as the demand for
more venues of publicity increased.
However, were these
changes beneficial to public discourse, or did
it cheapen the message? Indeed, the effects that
technology had on politics are significant, and
the utilization of technology in the public
arena will continue to play a large part in the
manner of political communication in years to
come.
Man has always been
a social creature, we all feel the need to
connect, and often love those around us. Our
minds are structured to allow persuasion from
other persons to affect our perceptions of
reality. By this I mean that if presented with
strong evidence that we should change our
behavior a certain way, or accept someone
else’s, we often acquiesce. Such is the case
with politics; one person tries to convince a
larger body of persons to see thing his way.
They employ
different methods to convince us so. In the
past, mere written messages by candidates could
sway the masses, but as history progressed,
there became the need to address the people in
new, more convincing ways. As the invention of
new technologies increased, more opportunities
were made readily available to persuade people
in more effective means.
The most important
thing to glean from a discussion on why
political communication has changed is that our
society has consistently demanded and received
entertaining representations of reality as
technology has progressed. A picture may say a
thousand words, but add a few lights and music
to that picture, and brother, you have yourself
a platform.
Neil
Postman, author of Amusing Ourselves to Death,
discussing the effects of technology on culture,
asserts that the very way that we communicate
today—especially with images—has an altered
state of realism. He says, “But what I am
claiming here is not that television is
entertaining but that it has made entertainment
the natural format for the representation of all
experience” (87). It becomes harder to properly
communicate a message to the voters without also
giving them something to look at.
It seemed that with
each new form of communication, people would
prefer the one that brought about a heightened
sense of emotions, rather than a detached,
impersonal examination of a candidate’s message.
Seeing and hearing the message grew more popular
among voters than did the traditional way of
understanding issues, through print, such as the
Federalist Papers.
This need to
connect with the populace in a more personal way
brought about the campaign tours throughout the
country, complete with marching bands and stump
speeches. However, as the country expanded and
as technology progressed, it seemed more
effective to communicate in other forms which
were most readily available to the people; when
there was newspapers, newspaper ads were bought,
when there was radio, radio time was bought. As
communication technology changed throughout
history, so did the form of the political
message.
Another crucial
concept that ought to be addressed is whether
the new manner of communication, since the
advent of modern technology, is enhancing public
discourse on important issues. There is the
slight problem that, with all the attention
politics and government now has, they are in
danger of being trivialized, or at, the worst,
marginalized. When something as readily
available as political rhetoric is presented in
different technological formats, and wide access
is easily obtained, it becomes just as easy to
ignore the issue as to learn about it.
As we will see in
the following examples of technology’s cultural
effect on communication, the response of those
who are to be convinced, the voters, become more
susceptible to subtle persuasion with
technology, than without.
One of the first
forms of political communication with new
technology was the infamous Scopes Trial, where
John Scopes was convicted of teaching evolution
in a Tennessee school. Clarence Darrow was one
of Scopes' attorneys, and William Jennings Bryan
assisted the state prosecutor. This was the
first advent of a radio broadcast of a courtroom
trial, by WGN, and included satirical reporting
from famous writer, H.L. Mencken (Trial 316).
The effect that the trial had on political
communication can be noticed by the increase in
broadcasted public events throughout the early
twentieth century, as political figures utilized
these resources.
In 1924, Calvin
Coolidge and John W. Davis had their political
speeches broadcasted on the radio, and Franklin
D. Roosevelt, in addition to his frequent radio
fireside chats, made the first presidential
appearance on television in 1939 (“Today”). The
progression of technology has influenced several
historic events, and can best be appreciated by
an examination of its effect on the candidate
and the American voter.
One such way to
further understand the different methods of
cultural communication is to observe the manner
of how presidential debates were conducted over
the last 150 years and the response from the
voters. One of the most notable debates was the
series of debates between Abraham Lincoln and
Stephen Douglas. Their speeches were given in an
outdoor setting, where the first candidate spoke
for an hour, then the other candidate spoke for
an hour and a half, and then the first candidate
was allowed a half hour “rejoinder.”
This seems hardly
imaginable in our present age of fast-paced
debate, where a common response time is two
minutes. After the debates were over, newspapers
would publish the text of the speeches, often
editing them for grammar. Of course, over the
years, with advent of radio and television, more
attention has been focused on this new venue for
presidential debates.
The 1960
presidential debates between John F. Kennedy and
Richard M. Nixon were the first televised
debates between presidential candidates, now
often referred to as “The Great Debates.” The
manner of speech was different from the
Lincoln-Douglass debates: each candidate was
allowed an eight-minute opening speech and then
there was a 30-minute question and answer
period, followed by a ten-minute closing message
(“Today”). We see here the difference in the
amount of time given to discuss issues, and one
must ask, was the new technology helping or
hurting the candidate’s message?
According to
Stephen Coleman, author of Televised Election
Debates, the emergence of this new medium
certainly did not help Nixon; reports of his
physical condition describe him as
“transparently shifty,” while Kennedy was seen
as “telegenic and modern.” Interestingly, those
who watched the debates came to the conclusion
that Kennedy was the winner, while those who
only heard the debate on the radio thought Nixon
had won (7). The fact that the very appearance
of a candidate on television was enough to
convince viewers that he had won signaled there
was now a different, more effective way of
campaigning.
This makes sense because of the
fact that Americans have a predisposition to
entertaining reality, and that we are more
inclined to accept a message if it is presented
well. In correlation, Neil Postman remarked on
the state of our move to image based reality,
saying, “For countless Americans, seeing, not
reading, became the basis for believing” (74).
In this case, perhaps it is why Kennedy won the
debates.
After television had made its stand as an
effective form of political medium, the need was
identified to ensure that television appearances
were pleasing to the eye, not just the
intellect. In history’s examples of older
communication, speeches were given at a
distance, with no need to focus on facial
features instead of the power of the oration.
However, with
the advances in technology, people began to want
to see the close, intimate details of a
contender, and try to judge their
characteristics along with their words. This is
especially prevalent in many familiar cases
today, such as the recent Barack Obama and
Hillary Clinton debates, where both candidates
spoke on several issues for a few minutes at a
time, surrounded by glossy lights and patriotic
backgrounds. Deep, revealing close-ups of the
face are shown while the candidate speaks,
highlighting their expressions and tone.
Again, the
question must be asked, is this form of
communication helping or hurting the candidate?
While it is important to portray a professional,
competent appearance, is the “Hollywood-ization”
of political candidates really helpful in
determining the best person to hold an office?
It seems that these
examples of history point to a trend where less
meaningful messages are readily accepted as
valid communication techniques. It is not unlike
trading a good face-to-face conversation with a
friend, for a long-distance phone call, because
we can hang up if we are bored. Indeed, in the
same way, technology has certainly shaped the
way that we view with elected officials and
political candidates. It is tempting to view
these people as political superstars: they are
important, but we do not really have to listen
to what they say.
Suddenly, it
becomes just as easy to ignore the issue as to
learn about it.
The examples in
history show us the extent to which our society
has accepted these mediums as suitable forms of
political communication. It is not so much that
technology is the evil, we all use technology
everyday for useful purposes, but that our
mental laziness has allowed others to use these
mediums to play a greater role in our thought
process than they should. It is more about the
way that we respond to technological messages
than the message itself. Who can blame the
politician for wanting to look good under camera
lights, or wanting to save travel expenses by
hosting press conferences delivered to millions
of homes? No fair criticism of politicians’ use
of the media communication should be without an
introspective review of our response to their
persuasions. The real trouble is that we have
excused these shorter, less meaningful tactics
to be dignified as acceptable political
rhetoric.
In our modern
society, the effects of this new form of
communication are relevant to our lives, as the
information that we receive about those in
positions of leadership are presented in
movie-like format. Our ability to make wise
decisions about whom to vote for should be
filtered with the knowledge that, the image of
the man is just that, an image.
This is not a disillusioned
attempt to make technology into the bad guy, but
a call as responsible citizens to evaluate the
opinions we have about political leaders with
the knowledge that not everything we see should
be believed. Our goal should not be an
entertaining representation of reality, but a
critical look past the glamour of technology to
discern truth.
Coleman, Stephen. Televised
Election Debates. New York: St. Martin's, 2000.
Postman, Neil. Amusing Ourselves
to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show
Business. New York: Penguin Group, 1985.
"Today in History." The Library
Of Congress American Memory. 17 October 2007.
Library of Congress. 5 May 2008 <http://memory.loc.gov/ammem/today/oct21.html>.
[Trial Transcript]. The World's
Most Famous Court Trial: Tennessee Evolution
Case. 1925. Dayton, Tenn.: Bryan College, 1990.
Accessed 5 May 2008
< http://www.bryan.edu/802.html >
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